Uk number 13 on my birthday

Whereas passport held nationality is an objective measure, national identity is a subjective self-defining measure and is intended primarily to record identification with the different countries within the United Kingdom. Figures in International Migrants in England and Wales showed the number of passports held by usual residents. This was greater than the number of residents owing to dual nationality. However, tables released in 3.

The usually resident population refers to people who live in the UK for 12 months or more, including those who have been resident for less than 12 months but intend to stay for a total period of 12 months or more.

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The population base for the Census was the usually resident population of England and Wales, defined as anyone who, on the night of 27 March , was either a resident in England and Wales and who had been resident, or intended to be resident in the UK for a period of 12 months or more, or b resident outside the UK but had a permanent England and Wales address and intended to be outside the UK for less than a year. A previous census publication analysed country of birth data for England and Wales, highlighting the top ten non-UK countries of birth.

The ten most reported non-UK countries of birth in are shown in table 1 below; these ten accounted for 45 per cent 2 3. The largest group were the Indian-born , or 1. The Polish increase , was the largest of these top ten countries of birth over the decade , a nine fold increase. Poland became a member of the European Union in May , and this accession was accompanied by a significant migration to the UK. View table Download this table. Of the There were 17 per cent 9. Detailed passport held data were published in census release 2.

Figure 1 presents the top ten non-UK nationalities 5 in the resident population of England and Wales in These ten nationalities accounted for around half 52 per cent of those holding a foreign passport and four per cent of the resident population as a whole. The most common foreign nationality of residents in the UK on census day was Polish with , residents; this was followed by Irish , and Indian , These three nationalities together account for 30 per cent 1. Download this chart Image. Table 2 compares the top ten non-UK nationalities with the country of birth data for these countries.

India ranked first for non-UK country of birth , , but third in terms of non-UK nationalities , This difference was similar for Pakistani-born with , compared to , Pakistani passport holders. This is due to the more established nature of migrants from India and Pakistan, many of whom came to the UK from the s onwards, and have since gained British nationality. Polish was the highest ranking foreign nationality , , and there are a similar number of UK residents who were born in Poland , This is likely to be due to the free movement rights of EU citizens, meaning that Polish nationals, unlike many non-EU nationals, do not need to acquire UK nationality in order to live and work in the UK.

Three nationalities Italian, French and Portuguese appear in the top ten in table 2, though they were not in the top ten countries of birth; each country had a greater number of passport holders than people born there. These differences are likely to be partly due to migrants from former Italian, French and Portuguese territories acquiring citizenship including, for example, the children of Portuguese emigrants to Brazil acquiring Portuguese passports and therefore Italian, French and Portuguese passports. Additionally, children born in the UK to parents of non-UK nationality may also qualify for that nationality.

Of those born in the UK, 80 per cent Of those usual residents born outside the UK, only half 3.

Four per cent 2 had no passport at the time of the Census. Of those born outside the UK who held a UK passport, 11 per cent , were born in India and 10 per cent , in Pakistan. Census table DCEWr was used to produce table 3. Table 4 shows the ten non-UK countries of birth with the highest and lowest proportions holding a UK passport on census day, indicating how many people born in these countries have now acquired British citizenship. Eight of the ten countries of birth with the lowest proportion holding a UK passport are EU countries, whose citizens already have freedom of movement within the EU, reducing the potential benefits from acquiring UK nationality.

Highest and lowest proportions are for countries individually specified in table DCEWr; therefore there may be some countries omitted. Census table DCEWr was used to produce table 4. Figure 2 shows the proportion of UK passports held for the top ten non-UK countries of birth. The largest proportion holding a UK passport from the top ten countries of birth was Jamaican-born with 73 per cent , , followed by Bangladeshi-born with 72 per cent , , and Pakistani-born with 69 per cent , These three countries also feature in the top ten listing of proportions holding a UK passport in table 4.

By contrast, only five per cent 29, of Polish-born residents held a UK passport; this is likely to be due to a more recent migration pattern 92 per cent arrived after and EU passport holders having similar rights to UK passport holders. Nigeria was also lower with 42 per cent 80, holding a UK passport; this may be a result of recent migration from that country over the last decade 58 per cent , which has not yet led to a larger uptake of UK nationality for further discussion see section on year of arrival.

A previous publication identified Poland and Nigeria as having the largest percentage increases in migration to England and Wales over the period This category will include some residents who are UK nationals not currently holding a valid passport. Census table QSEWr was used to produce figure 2. There were 9. There were also , foreign born resident who also did not hold a passport. Table 5 lists the top ten non-UK countries of birth 1 for the residents born outside the UK stating that they had no passport 3.

Census table DCEWr was used to produce table 5. Interactive maps showing the highest ranking non-UK countries of birth 1 and foreign nationalities 3,5 as a proportion of the usually resident population for are available, permitting comparison of the two and detailed spatial analyses across England and Wales. As previously noted, the numbers of Polish-born and Polish nationals were very similar as very few Polish-born acquire UK citizenship; spatially the Polish population, like other recent EU accession nationals resident in the UK, was dispersed across many local authorities LAs , including concentrations in agricultural areas.

This was more so than many earlier waves of migrants who tended to be located in the larger urban areas. The Irish-born and Irish nationals were similarly widely dispersed, perhaps in this case due to the much longer history of Irish migration to the UK. Spatial patterns for German-born and German nationals were very different; this is likely to be a result of many of those born in Germany being the children of UK service personnel, and therefore automatically British citizens. The pattern of German-born was widely distributed across England and Wales, but with noted concentrations around military bases in Wiltshire, North Yorkshire and Essex, whereas German nationals were much more concentrated in London, other large cities and the South of England.

American-born were dispersed across much of southern England, though American nationals were much more concentrated around military bases in East Anglia, North Yorkshire, Gloucestershire and the Thames Valley.

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Although South African-born were widely dispersed across much of southern England and Wales, South African nationals were strongly concentrated in London. Indian-born were dispersed across much of England and Wales, with concentrations in the larger urban areas. By contrast, Indian nationals were much more concentrated in the larger university cities, and are likely to include a significant number of students. As previously noted, the uptake of UK nationality by Pakistani-born residents is high 69 per cent ; however the spatial distribution of both Pakistani populations across England and Wales was remarkably similar, with concentrations in all of the major cities.

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This may be due to the predominance of family-linked migration amongst the Pakistani community. The geographical distribution of residents from different countries will be partly due to historical patterns of settlement, and the length of residence in the UK 9. Migration within the UK is likely to increase with length of residence; therefore earlier arrivals are more likely to have moved. The census presents a snapshot and does not measure where people lived on arrival in the UK.

Regional analysis of decade of arrival 8 for the top two non-UK countries of birth, India and Poland, is presented in figure 3. Inevitably, there is a bias towards more recent decades of arrival, since numbers for these will have been less affected by mortality and onward or return migration. There is a relatively high percentage of Indian-born people living in the West Midlands who arrived in the decade 26 per cent. A high proportion of Indian-born people living in the North East 57 per cent , South West 58 per cent and Wales 65 per cent arrived in the decade ; however, the overall numbers in these two English regions and Wales are relatively low.

The Polish-born nearly all arrived in the decade; the slightly lower percentage 86 per cent living in London who arrived in this decade is a result of a larger Polish-born population who arrived in the previous decade Whereas passport held nationality is an objective measure, national identity is a subjective self-defining measure. This was a new question in the Census.

Therefore year of last arrival may not necessarily reflect when respondents first arrived in the UK and became UK residents; this may affect comparison with surveys that use the UN definition of long-term migration as a basis for determining the inflow of long-term migrants. Whereas some people born overseas will have recently migrated to the UK, others will have been resident in the UK for many years 1.

This was evident in the Census where half of non-UK born residents 50 per cent, 3. Non-UK born usual residents who last arrived since accounted for 3. There will be a bias in the census data towards more recent years of arrival, as these groups will have been less affected by mortality, or onward or return migration.

Number 1 1961

Figures 4, 5 and 6 therefore summarise those who are still in England and Wales on census day rather than the historic trend of arrivals. Figure 4 summarises the year of arrival data for Europe and the rest of the world, with the European Union divided into two groups representing new and older EU member states 3. The majority 84 per cent, , of residents born in recent EU Accession countries arrived in the UK during the decade This compares with people born in the older EU member states for which 36 per cent , arrived in the last decade; however arrivals prior to for this group accounted for 39 per cent , For people born outside the EU including other Europe and the rest of the world , almost half arrived in the UK during the decade Figure 5 summarises most recent arrival in the UK for those born in the top ten non-UK countries of birth.

There are clear differences in the timing of migration patterns from these countries. Polish-born residents are dominated by arrivals since 92 per cent ; Poland is the largest accession country, and arrivals from Poland in the decade represent 57 per cent of all arrivals from accession states. Would be nice to see the same data set charted to moon phase. And to see if similar trends hold true in other countries. Maybe it is an American quirk to abstain from birth during festive occasions. I should be finished soon if you want to check it out:.

Love this! Great work here and what interesting insights we can get from looking at the data this way. Any plans to expand to include earlier decades? I wonder how different this map is for firstborn vs others. The ability to control delivery — for the benefit of the physician as well as the parents — has to account for some of the weirder anomalies.

Obviously babies are being pushed off holidays and being done early induction or later C-sections regardless of the conception date no one plans that well! The dearth of births on all of the 13ths of the months is bizarre. Is triskaidekaphobia actually that strong?

UK number one today, October 08 12222

Low birth rates on the days around the fourth of july and Christmas and New Years days. This probably reflects low rates of caesarean sections or the preference of obstetricians NOT to operate on those days they have the day off. This also points to the fact that many caesareans are NOT a medical necessity at the time they are performed. I was supposed to be born on Thanksgiving, so that would have been weird. I suspect there is some flaw in the method or data. So c-section, inductions, etc are planned for before or after.


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Of course the latter aspect is only valid for holidays that are fixed to a specific date rather than a weekday or the moon. The reason there are fewer births on major fixed holidays i. They are forgotten in the festivity of the day itself. As a parent I would choose not to have my child born on a day when they are likely to not be celebrated or at least come second. Ask most anyone born on Christmas or Christmas Eve — forgotten. And I would also personally prefer to not have been born on the 13th — superstition: not just mine but anyone elses.

The tabular data would be a little easier to read if it could be sorted by date.

Also skewed by trying not to induce over holidays and not planning C sections on holidays, and people planning to have children so they are at the beginning of the school year.